Critical theory of race. What is the Republican weapon to restore the United States?

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Elections Tuesday in Virginia They shone the national and international spotlight on a subject – and its distortion – which has been debated in some countries for months. Republican Glenn Yongkin won by making it a pillar of his campaign, a success destined to gain weight in the long run until the midterm elections. Yongkin went out of his way to present the vote as a referendum on a fundamental question: do you want your children to learn critical race theory? If the answer is no, vote for me.

However, the question is based on at least two false assumptions: 1) Few – even among No-CRT (English Critical Race Theory) champions – know what Critical Race Theory really is; 2) It is not true that it is taught in schools, unless a very broad interpretation is given to include any discourse on racism and rights. And that’s exactly what makes the new culture shock dividing America so interesting: the result of a combination of polarization, oversimplification, manipulation, and ignorance. A mixture so powerful in vulgar society that it is considered the backbone of political competition.

The choice not to explain what a critical race theory is is, so far, not accidental: ironically, its origins and content have nothing to do with the current debate. The reason is that CRT, until recently, has been a topic for academics. It is in fact a legal theory born in law schools in the 1970s and 1980s to explain the persistence of racial inequalities after the approval of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. The theory, developed by the former professor Harvard law essay Derek Bell and other scholars, examines the ways in which racism has been incorporated into US law and other modern institutions, while maintaining the advantage of whites over ethnic minorities. The Brooking Institution It gives the following definition:

“The CRT does not attribute racism to whites as individuals or even to entire groups of people. Simply put, Critical Race Theory asserts that America’s social institutions (such as the criminal justice system, the education system, the labor market, the housing market, the health care system) are conditioned by ingrained racism. in laws, regulations, rules and procedures that produce differences in race results.

A good example of this is when, in the 1930s, government officials drew boundaries around areas considered to be of low financial risk, often due to the racial makeup of the population. The banks then refused to grant mortgages to blacks in these regions.

For more than forty years – until it was confined to scholarly publications and roundtables – critical race theory bothered no one: most were unaware of its existence; Anyone who was interested in it for various reasons, trafficking as it is, that is, a theory born to observe and provide a possible explanation to society. In the past year and a half, following the protests against the murder of George Floyd and the worldwide echo of the Black Lives Matter movement, the situation has radically changed. Suddenly, concepts like “systemic racism” and “racial justice” became mainstream, even fashionable, in a team competition to see who was most determined to purge the system of their racist heritage. While this impetus certainly changed the scope of the racism debate and increased its ability to influence society, it also produced simplifications and deviations such as the so-called culture of abolition – the “erase” hypothesis. traces of colonial history with a sponge. Racial discrimination – or a movement to fund the police, “Defund the Police” – on their part Minneapolis referendum rejected It seems like the natural conclusion.

From this point of view, a “discovery” – on the right – of a critical race theory emerges in reaction to the protests and battles of the past year over black lives: the more the progressive left raises its voice and its fist against it. the “systematic system.” Racism ”of American society, as well as the right embodied by Donald Trump, in search of his weapon of counter-attack. A necessary weapon – in the eyes of conservative strategists – in the face of the demographic changes taking place in American society: in twenty years, according to current trends, Whites will become a minority.

There is one man, in particular, who is credited with pulling CRT out of the academy for taking it to the streets: it’s Tory activist Christopher Ruffo. Last year, while touring several talk shows, he began using the term “critical race theory” to criticize the introduction of anti-racist units in certain areas of education, wrongly claiming that they advocated “apartheid” and “collective guilt”. In September 2020, he helped draft a circular issued by former President Trump prohibiting federal agencies from training on issues related to “critical race theory” and “white privilege,” a ban later lifted by President Biden.

Rufus spoke to New Yorker From the specific use he made of this expression, he notes that “the abolition of culture” is an absurd term and does not translate into a political program. “Wake up” (which denotes a special interest in racial rights and issues, in tune with the times) is a good nickname, but it’s too general, too extreme, and easily overlooked. The “critical race theory” is the ideal “enemy”. He also tweeted: “The goal is for the public to read a bit of madness in the newspapers and immediately think of ‘Critical Race Theory’.”

His vision has come true. Although CRT is not part of the high school curriculum, several states, including Oklahoma, Texas, Idaho, Iowa, and Tennessee, have passed laws to limit class discussions on what they call the “critical theory of race”. Officials in Republican-controlled states across the country are proposing several laws to prohibit teachers from emphasizing the role of systemic racism. According to Education Week research, at least 15 states have considered legislation to limit the way teachers talk about race.

And so we came to the short-circuit of the dialogue that the “good liars” were talking about. Patti Hidalgo Menders, president of the Republican Women’s Club in Loudoun County, Va. Put it this way, addressing Guardian Last week: They want to divide our children into victims and oppressors. What should the child do with it? Race, plot, children, fear – the words in the wind are already formed in the following slogan: Hands off our children’s minds!


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